Unstable regimes and nuclear terrorism
The attacks on the World Trade Center
last September should serve to highlight the dangers of nuclear weapons held by
fundamentally unstable regimes. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) signed in 1968
recognized five nuclear weapons states, namely the United States, Soviet Union, France,
China and UK. The collapse and break up of the Soviet Union resulted in the creation of
three states with nuclear weapons - Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan. Since Russia inherited
the Soviet Unions international obligations,Ukraine and Kazakhstan were prevailed
upon to give their nuclear weapons. The Soviet/Russian case is instructive because it
highlights the dangers associated with the unraveling of a nuclear state. The Apartheid
regime in South Africa dismantled the nuclear weapons well before it began to unravel. Of
the remaining three remaining de facto states (India, Israel and Pakistan), two are
unambiguously out of the closet.
The Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests of
1998 were greeted with censure and sanctions by the international community (or sections
thereof). The easing of most sanctions since the terrorist attacks of September 2001,
indicate a de facto acceptance of both India and Pakistan as nuclear weapons states.
However, the War on Terrorism has placed enormous strains on Pakistans already
unstable polity and society. In order to deflect from its ties to international terrorists
and its own internal problems, Pakistan has sought refuge in its nuclear weapons status by
resorting to nuclear blackmail over outstanding boundary disputes. Whilst these threats
are not new, a willingness to articulate such threats more often since September 2001 and
well documented contacts between the Pakistani establishment and extremist organizations
are causes for concern. Nuclear blackmail works in two ways. The first of these involves
extortion - i.e. frightening the international community into doling out generous amounts
of aid lest the Pakistani state be taken from the hands of the moderates. The
second strategy involves the promotion of state sponsored terrorism, confident (in its
view) that threats to resort to the use of nuclear weapons will keep it safe from
retaliation. The infiltration of the Pakistani nuclear and military establishment by
sympathizers of international terrorist organizations should now be clear to all. At least
four scientists and several army officers later there should be no doubt that the
extremist threat to Pakistans nuclear forces and to the world is very real.
So how does one deal with this danger?
Until now the response has been to dole out large amounts of cash to the present
moderate regime in the hope of forestalling an extremist take over.
Unfortunately, history is testament to the ultimate futility of such policies. Unstable
regimes such as these do have a tendency to unravel. Hence, aid is no guarantee of
security. Given the United States pre-eminent position in the international
community, it can initiate a number of steps, jointly or unilaterally, to ensure that the
Pakistani arsenal remains insulated from extremist elements. The United States could start
by providing expanded deterrence and declare explicitly its intention to intervene in case
extremist elements take control of nuclear weapons. It could also explicitly threaten
certain retaliation against extremist elements in the event nuclear weapons were used.
However, when dealing with policies underpinned by the logic of deterrence one must allow
for the possibility of a breakdown in deterrence. To this a third, more desirable, option
might be pursued by the United States. It can and should work jointly with Pakistan to
create a system that ensures protective custody for the Pakistans nuclear weapons
(either bilateral or multilateral). Such a move would not only allow the international
community keep tabs on the number and location of weapons, but would also be a more
efficient way of securing the arsenal. Such a proactive measure could only enhance the
United States and international security.
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