FEATURE
ARTICLE
Kargil Surprise: How and
Why?
D RAMANA
The year 1999 started with a series of
confidence building measures between India and Pakistan as exemplified by the Lahore
Declaration and related events. This was a necessary measure to show the world that India
was interested in peace with its neighbour and was not a bellicose state. The visit by
Shri Vajpayee to the Minar-e-Pakistan was an attempt to reassure the people of Pakistan
that, the leader of the nationalist party in India was reconciled to the existence of
Pakistan and was not interested in its failing. There were notes of discord - protests by
fundamentalists and the staying away from the reception at the border by the Pakistan
military leadership, later explained due to the visit by a Chinese military delegation.
The Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) put in place were followed during the subsequent
missile tests conducted by both countries in April. Pakistan of course had to go in for
one up-manship by testing two of its missiles- Ghauri (Nodong-2) and the Shaheen (M-9)
missile to India's Agni-II. In early May an Indian Army patrol returning to its positions
on the Indian side of LoC was ambushed and killed. By mid May it was discovered that
Pakistan had launched an intrusion of the LoC over a large area. The Indian Armys
difficulty in evicting the intruders on their own led the government to launch air strikes
on our side of Line of Control (LoC). It was soon apparent that Pakistan launched a
massive covert operation in the Kargil sector. Soon thereafter there were widespread
allegations of a massive insurance failure on the Indian side. Let us examine this in
further detail.
Discussion
India Today, The Telegraph and Indian Express have
carried the best and most detailed reports on this matter. Of these the India Today
article (see Joshi) has a detailed account of the facts and their chronology and will
primarily be used here. It is astonishing that inspite quality information which could
have provided early warning of Pakistans intentions Kargil came as a surprise. These
reports started coming in prior to the Lahore Declaration. Let us construct a time line
based on this.
June 1998
Intelligence Bureau's Leh office reports a
noticeable Pakistan Army build-up at Skardu.
Heavy artillery exchanges begin in the Kargil
Sector and continue through the year.
September 1998
RAW headquarters in Delhi informed of a Pakistani
plan to send infiltrators into Kargil.
October 1998
An IB report from Leh spoke of preparations for
Pakistani special operations in the Kargil sector. IB officers in the sector shared the
information not only with their HQ but also with 121 Brigade stationed at Kargil.
The most critical piece of information came from
the G-Branch, the intelligence wing of the Border Security Force (BSF) stationed in
Srinagar, when it interrogated Azhar Shafi Mir, a Kashmiri militant, in Baramulla. He
revealed that he was one among a group of 80 militants trained by a Colonel Shams for
specialised road-sabotage operations focusing on the Leh-Srinagar highway. IB also
interrogated him, but both the agencies didn't act on the IB reports.
Pakistan Army surveys the Kargil area using
Remotely Piloted Vehicles (RPVs) for reconnaissance.
December 1998
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's Speech to
the United Nations
January 1999
An Indian Army analysis in January concluded that Pakistan did not
use RPVs for surveillance.
February 1999
Lahore Declaration
A Pakistani Mi-17 helicopter was seen over Indian
territory near Kaksar in Kargil (Pakistan preparation for supplies). The army says the
chopper even opened fire but later went back.
4-14 May 1999
Indian Army patrols go missing in the first two
weeks in the Dras/Kargil area.
Routine air recce mission fired on over Indian
territory.
26 May 1999
Indian Air Force begins airstrikes
These incorrect assessment resulted due to
systematic problems and had little to do with the Lahore process. Blaming Lahore is red
herring to cover-up improper assessment. Manoj Joshi (India Today, 14 June) points out,
rightly, that information was shared but not acted upon. Indeed information about the
intrusions were brought to the notice of the key decisions makers in the Home and Defence
Ministry rather belatedly. Furthermore, wrong conclusions were drawn from cross border UAV
flights, Pakistani chopper incursions in Kaksar and shelling around Kargil earlier in the
year. Joshi the "surprise" on bureaucratic infighting, vague assessment reports,
and improper evaluation of data, under-staffed Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC),
inadequate controls and oversight and ad-hoc personnel policies. There remarks point to a
lack of long term strategic perspective among politicians and senior officials, and the
inadequacy of inter-agency interaction. This is not the first time in recent memory that
such lapses have occurred. It was ordinary shepherds who alerted the authorities of
Pakistani infiltrators in 1965. Press reports notwithstanding, the Ghauri test in 1998 was
a definite surprise, and this in turn led to the Pokhran-II. Another was the indefinite
extension of the NPT in 1995. There have been successes no doubt. The obtaining a
recording of conversations among members of the Pakistani General Staff, is a pointer to
this aspect among others.
It appears that Indian intelligence agencies are
very good at collecting information and data but not well versed in assessment. This
points to the police origins of such agencies in India. They are like giant vacuum
cleaners sucking up facts, relevant or not and building up dossiers. It would appear that
due to a high degree of compartmentalization in these agencies, dubious and simplistic
opinions pass off as estimates and cause policy failures. This failure to create dedicated
assessment groups is an administrative failure on the part of both the bureaucrats and the
political leadership. As access to such information is restricted, the recipients are
grateful for the flow and do not question the estimates. Moreover, the existence of
personality cults around strong Prime Ministers (such as Pt.Nehru and Mrs. Gandhi- both of
whom did their own assessments) for much of Indias history has meant that here has
been no institutional emphasis on the quality of assessments. Demanding better quality
could show them up in bad light. Indeed much as been written in the press about
Gujrals contempt for RAWs efforts and advice.
Angelo Codevilla in his book Informing
Statecraft- Intelligence for a New Century tries to explain why a disconnect often
exists between the analyst and the policy maker. He feels it happens when the analyst is
separated from the policy maker and this works to the disadvantage of both. He quotes
Kautilyas dictum about asking advice from "ministers about distant
undertakings
either approach the subject with indifference or give opinion
half-heartedly. This is a serious defect." In other words those who make analysis
have to be in the shoes of policy makers.
Surprises in international affairs are not new.
Barbarossa, Pearl Harbour, Yom Kippur, the collapse of the Soviet Union are all examples
of this phenomena. Uri Bar and Zachary Sheaffer (see J. of Intelligence and Counter
Intelligence, Vol.11, No.3) have studied the topic of surprise and its causes in much
detail. The main variables that they discuss are 1) surprise, 2) preventing surprise, 3)
indicators, 4) crisis and 5) cover & deception. A surprise is caused by failure of
early warning systems and/or policy makers who ignore warnings. In preventing surprise
they examine the zero-sum relationship between the victim and the initiator which results
in the victim treating all indicators as noise as opposed to signals. Indicators are
signals and warnings are indicators about initiator's intent. The quality of a warning is
based on clarity and timing. In crisis they identify the strategy of the initiator in
reducing the timeframe for the victim to react. In cover and deception these are described
as key elements of achieving strategic surprise. They argue surprises are not caused by a
lack of early warning indicators or intentional inaction by policymakers with hidden
agenda, but rather results from the relevant people not comprehending the meaning of the
available indicators owing to the interaction of various factors involved in the process.
These factors can be broadly divided into
psychological, organizational, political, and strategic interaction and warning response
related factors. These have further sub-divisions.
Psychological factors (Psy) are:
1) Fear of superiors
2) Dearth of skepticism
3) Paranoid-megalomaniac leadership.
4) Cognitive dissonance
5) Heuristic judgments
6) Bridge Over River Kwai syndrome- escalating commitment to chosen course of action
7) Over confidence syndrome- Drowned and Boiled frog syndrome
8) Managerial stress
9) Self-enactment
10) Conflictual and introverted managerial style
11) Aversion to discrepant information
12) Group-think
Organizational factors (O) are:
1) Organization atrophy
2) Politicking & hierarchy orientation
3) Centralization of authorities
4) Over reliance on SOP
5) Compartmentalization
Political Inhibitors (Po) are:
1) Politicking of information
2) Policy makers act as own estimators
3) Instinctive acceptance of estimate
4) Intelligence intervention in policy-making
5) Politicizing of professional product
6) Commitment to political agenda
7) Political intervention in the process
Strategic factor (S) are:
1) Cover
2) Deception
3) Cry Wolf syndrome
4) Time lag factor
5) Initiation factor
Let us see how many of these factors apply to
Kargil based on Manoj Joshis article.
Psychological factors - 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10, & 11
Organizational factors - 1, 2, 3, 4, & 5
Political factors - 1(?), 3 & 6.
Strategic factors - 1, 2, 3, 4 & 5.
The point is Kargil or something was bound to
happen. The same analysis can be applied to any situation that has come up in the past.
Only additional factors will be added to this list. There will not be a reduction. A
through overhaul is needed to prevent further lapses. As it was pointed elsewhere, the
nuclearization requires India to be on guard. The Pakistani military propensity to take
risk and operate under nominal political control makes the deterrent situation in South
Asia suspect. If the intelligence system is unable to process indicators it could lead to
disasters.
Copyright © Bharat Rakshak |